Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad

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One would have to be an idiot not to believe that this latest attack on Sara is President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s desperate move to prevent her from running for the presidency in 2028. Contrast the issuance of an arrest warrant against Sara to the case of former House speaker Martin Romualdez, against whom the Ombudsman special panel of prosecutors filed a case of plunder and direct bribery in July, yet so far no charge has been filed with the Sandiganbayan.

The head of the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) who recommended the filing of the criminal charge against Sara is Melvin Matibag, appointed to the post only in February 2026. He has totally no experience in criminal investigation. The head of the Justice department which filed the case is Fedderick Vida, who was appointed to the post only in November 2025. Vida also has no experience in the criminal justice system; the former justice secretary Crispin Remulla took him in first as his assistant secretary and then undersecretary in charge of finance and administration. Vida’s sole qualification for those posts is loyalty as he had been previously the now Ombudsman Remulla Jr.’s right-hand man in Cavite politics.

The judge who ordered Sara’s arrest is the Quezon City Regional Trial Court’s (RTC) Maria Angelica de Ramos, who was appointed to the post straight from a mediocre private law practice in March 2025. Despite the serious controversial issues over a case filed against a sitting vice president, de Ramos issued the arrest warrant in just 18 working days after the case was filed in August by the Justice department. Before this episode, de Ramos’ only public exposure was a press conference in 2022, where she launched an obscure movie she had produced, directed and acted in.

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Worst presidency, worst Congress

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THE worst flooding in years has exposed not only what I have called the worst presidency in our recent history. It has exposed what may well be the worst Congress as well.

More than 8 million Filipinos have been affected by the southwest monsoon and tropical cyclones Luis, Maymay and Neneng. Entire provinces have been placed under a state of calamity.

Roads and bridges have collapsed, farms have disappeared under water, schools have suspended classes and families have watched filthy floodwaters rise inside homes that had supposedly been protected by hundreds of billions of pesos in flood-control works.

Yet where has Congress been?

The House of Representatives and Senate months back investigated the corruption surrounding flood-control projects. Senators have grilled contractors over ghost and substandard projects, while the House has had its own investigations and proposals. That is necessary. But corruption is only half the scandal. The other half is staring us in the face: After the government spent enormous sums supposedly for controlling floods, why did so much of Luzon still go underwater?

That is the investigation Congress should have launched with the urgency of a national emergency. Yet Sen. Erwin Tulfo, just before the floods inundated the country, callously said: “Iikot na lang ba ang mundo natin sa flood control? Can’t we move forward?” Instead of appealing to his colleagues that the impeachment is proving to be a waste of time and that the nation demands a solution to the flooding problem, Sen. Miguel Zubiri complains that he has become so tired as the trial has claimed half of the Senate’s usual work period. Of course, he cannot ask the Senate to stop its law-making tasks. Why can’t he be bold enough to say that the impeachment trial is a big waste of time?

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Worst flooding under the worst presidency

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AFP PHOTO ATTRIBUTED TO TED ALJIBE

THERE is no need to manufacture an image of national collapse. Filipinos can see it on their phones. For weeks, social media has been inundated with heart-wrenching photos of how the floods have made Filipinos’ lives so miserable: mothers carrying children through brown floodwater, old people ferried out of homes, commuters wading along roads turned rivers, families lifting appliances above the waterline. These are not scenes of another bad monsoon.

They are a visual indictment of a state that has spent hundreds of billions of pesos supposedly to prevent precisely this.

By the government’s own count, the scale is staggering. As of Aug. 30, more than 8.1 million Filipinos in 10 regions had been affected by the combined southwest monsoon and tropical cyclones Luis, Maymay and Neneng. At least 32 people had died, 19 injured and three are still missing. About 25,800 people remained in 297 evacuation centers. Infrastructure damage had reached P6.11 billion and agricultural losses P2.32 billion. Roughly 2,900 houses had been damaged, 349 of them destroyed. This is a national calamity stretching across Luzon and beyond.

The affected-person count is especially revealing. The combined habagat-Carina-Butchoy disaster of 2024 eventually affected roughly 5.4 million people by NDRRMC’s final tally. Typhoon Ulysses in 2020 affected 3.7 million in one mid-storm NDRRMC count, though its own final tally reached nearly 4.9 million. The present 8.1 million figure is cumulative across several weather disturbances and should not be passed off as a meteorological record comparable to a single typhoon. But as a measure of how many Filipinos’ lives have been upended, it shows how extraordinary the present flooding has become.

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An economy in crisis, Marcos doesn’t have a plan

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The Philippine economy is sending warning signals that should have forced an emergency meeting of the economic team. Growth slowed to 2.3 percent in the second quarter, the peso weakened into the P62-per-dollar range, the stock market fell below 6,000, investment contracted sharply, foreign direct investment declined, and consumers turned deeply pessimistic.

Yet Malacañang acts as if these are isolated statistics that will somehow correct themselves.

The most visible alarm is the stock market. The Philippine Stock Exchange index closed Friday at 5,988.17. At the end of 2024, it stood at 6,528.79; it ended 2025 at 6,052.92. On the first trading day of 2026, it rose to 6,135.06, briefly raising hopes of a recovery. Eight months later it is below 6,000 again.

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Why Marcos impeachment project is doomed

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Last of 2 parts

THE impeachment trial of Vice President Sara Duterte is rapidly becoming President Marcos’ biggest, and most costly misadventure.

Twenty trial days have already been consumed, and all the Senate prosecutors have done may be summed up in Sen. Risa Hontiveros’ favorite word: “pinahihiwatig.” The term translates to English as “hint,” “insinuate,” or “imply.” As in Hontiveros’ claim that certain Commission on Audit documents hint, insinuate, or imply the Office of the Vice President’s misuse of funds.

Nobody is convicted either in regular courts or in this special impeachment court for claims that imply, insinuate or hint at a crime. The basic rule of law is that a person is presumed innocent until proven guilty. The stupid belief of Marcos’ boys and girls is that Sara is guilty until proven innocent. One anti-Sara senator, a college drop-out, resorted to calling a witness ”’stupid,” while an expensive, over-the-hump private lady prosecutor resorted to sloganeering.

The prosecution could only present such really useless witnesses as NBI Director Melvin Matibag, appointed from nowhere to the post in February to provide hearsay testimony against Sara; another agency employee pretending to be a digital forensic expert attesting to the authenticity of a video recording; and a staff member of the Office of the Vice President who couldn’t be intimidated into stating that confidential funds released to their office had been absconded.

The “testimonies” — one hesitates to even call them that — produced by the prosecutors are a far, far cry from those in President Joseph Estrada’s impeachment trial — such as those by the whistleblower governor Chavit Singson; Estrada’s finance secretary Edgardo Espiritu; SEC head Perfecto Yasay; and two bank executives, lawyer Manuel Curato and senior vice president Clarissa Ocampo, who were actual witnesses to the ousted president’s commission of crimes.

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Congress has far more important work than impeachment

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First of two parts

CONGRESS has managed to convince itself that the nation’s most urgent business is the political fate of Vice President Sara Duterte, in the service of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s overarching agenda since he came to power: Stop Sara from leading the nation by 2028.

Yet if one looks at the legislative agenda that Congress and Marcos themselves have officially agreed upon, the contrast is almost embarrassing. There is a long queue of laws affecting electricity bills, food prices, classrooms, corruption, political dynasties, land use, water, bank secrecy, government budgeting and the structure of our elections. Many have been waiting not for months but for decades.

I am not arguing that Congress may simply ignore an impeachment case properly presented before it. The Constitution assigns to the House the power to impeach and the Senate the duty to try a valid impeachment. But constitutional duty does not require the political class to behave as though an impeachment trial was the country’s central national project. The real cost is not merely the number of hours senators sit as judges. It is the enormous political bandwidth, media attention and legislative energy consumed by a proceeding whose most obvious consequence is to determine who may or may not be a presidential candidate in 2028.

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6.5 million Filipinos were not lifted out of poverty

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THE Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) announced the other day what would be one of the greatest social achievements in recent Philippine history — if it were true, that is. The number of poor Filipinos fell from 17.54 million in 2023 to 11.08 million in 2025, a reduction of 6.46 million people in only two years. Poverty incidence among individuals, the PSA said, dropped from 15.5 percent to 9.7 percent, while among families it fell from 10.9 percent to 6.4 percent.

I don’t think anybody believes the PSA. It presented a deeply misleading, if not false, picture of the state of our nation, bordering on disseminating fake news.

What it claimed was that 6.5 million Filipinos moved from below to above the very artificial poverty threshold it had invented years ago. It has not established that 6.5 million Filipinos ceased being poor, in the ordinary meaning of that word. At best, the number of our poor remained unchanged and probably even worsened since this corruption-riddled administration came to power.

As usual, the extremely pro-administration Philippine Star and Philippine Daily Inquirer made it their banner headlines, with the former’s “6.5 million Filipinos lifted out of poverty” and the latter’s “PSA: PH poverty hit lowest single-digit level in 2025.” To the credit of The Manila Times editors, they demonstrated editorial maturity by putting the story in the inside pages, in the Business section. The paper also titled the piece, “Poverty rate hits record low of 9.7 percent.” Not “6.5 million Filipinos were lifted out of poverty.”

These headline formulations border on fake news: 6.5 million Filipinos were not lifted out of poverty. The Inquirer even bolstered its good-news-for-BBM, putting on top of its headline the blurb for Social Weather Stations’ founder Mahar Mangahas’ column titled, “Poverty fell slightly in 2026 Q2.” The truth is that the SWS self-rated poverty figures rose from 47 percent in 2023 to 49 percent in June 2026.

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Secrets of the Plaza Miranda bombing

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THE bombing by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), ordered by its late chairman Jose Ma. Sison, of the Liberal Party’s preelection campaign rally 55 years ago today, is one of the most pivotal events in our history.

The first President Marcos used it as one justification for imposing martial law, which in turn led to the so-called revolutionary flow that made a fledgling, clumsy Communist Party relying on opposition senator Benigno Aquino III’s support, expand way beyond its leaders’ dreams. These were among the major reasons why we are what we are today — a nation more than half of whom are poor, with a corrupt political leadership and economic structures that if unchanged will get us deeper into poverty.

It is shameful that no academic has even tried to write a definitive account of this central event that formed much of the contours of our history. Instead, they write about historical trivia such as what Rizal had for breakfast and the amount he bet in Madrid’s lotto.

It was an American journalist who gave the most accurate account of it, and its perpetrators. I know for a fact — and even as an eyewitness to the CPP plot — that his account is true.

What follows is a column on the subject that I wrote in September 2022. I wrote a dozen more articles on it, which you can access in my website. This column I wrote six years ago.

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How the Indonesian magnate Salim came to control Meralco

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Second of a series on the Salim Empire in the Philippines

His celebrated CEO was in 2024 even awarded the Pope’s Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice, which Meralco’s annual report claimed — falsely — as “the highest papal award for the laity.”

WE’RE suffering not only from the rottenness of our political architecture, worsened by the unprecedented corruption in the current administration and Congress. Hardly figuring in the public discourse though is that fact that we are also being impoverished because of anomalies in the Philippines’ economic order.

One such aberration is the fact that an Indonesian magnate, Anthoni Salim, through his Hong Kong-based First Pacific Co., is the biggest shareholder, with 48 percent shares, of Meralco, the country’s largest power distribution firm with 8.2 million customers.

The national tragedy is that most Filipinos don’t even know that part of their monthly electricity bills have increased and will increase the wealth of Salim, Indonesia’s fifth-richest tycoon with a $14 billion fortune. Congress investigates so many “bs” issues that result in feeble or useless laws but dares not find out why an Indonesian tycoon is allowed to earn billions of dollars from a power-distribution monopoly in our country.

Partly due to the fact that electricity prices in the Philippines are the among highest in Asia — P12/kWh compared to Thailand and Vietnam’s P5/kWh — and Meralco’s policy of giving dividends to its shareholders every year equivalent to half its core net income, data from First Pacific’s annual reports indicate that it sucked out of the country a total of $1.5 billion (P93 billion) in profits from 2013 to 2025. Yet its CEO, Manuel V. Pangilinan, claims the firm cannot bear the cost of its system losses which accounts for about 6 percent of a customer’s electricity bill.

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