The betrayal of Ninoy and Cory

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Kiko boasting of the first caucus of Marcos’ Senate bloc in his Facebook page.

NINOY Aquino walked down the stairs of that plane in 1983 knowing the Marcoses might kill him. They did. Cory Aquino spent the rest of her life making certain the nation never forgot who fired the shot and why. Between them they gave the Liberal Party its soul and the country its founding creed: that the Marcoses were not opponents to be bargained with but the enemy of everything decent in Philippine public life.

Today the senators who inherited that party — who campaign on those names, who lay wreaths each August at the monument — have crossed to the Marcos side. There is no gentler word for it. They have betrayed Ninoy and Cory.

Kiko boasting of the first caucus of Marcos’ Senate bloc in his Facebook page.

Remember what the betrayal is measured against. This is the party Ferdinand Marcos Sr. tried to decapitate at Plaza Miranda in 1971, the grenades shredding its senatorial slate on the stage. This is the party whose leaders he jailed when he padlocked Congress in 1972, whose leader, Ninoy, he held in solitary confinement for nearly eight years. The Liberal Party did not merely disagree with the Marcoses; they were its archenemy, and it built its entire postwar identity on that wound. For its senators now to steady a Marcos presidency is not a routine realignment. It is a desecration.

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The Devil’s finest trick

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THE controversial 19th-century French poet Baudelaire wrote: “The Devil’s finest trick is to persuade us he doesn’t exist.” In today’s politics, the finest trick has been the portrayal by the Marcos regime that the president had nothing to do with Sherwin Gatchalian becoming Senate president, that he was chosen by a majority of the senators, who saw him as the best man to lead the chamber.

Tell that to the Marines. It is so obvious that it was Marcos who placed Gatchalian in that post. Marcos lost control of the Senate last May 11 when the independent bloc headed by Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano with a 13-man majority kicked out his man, Sen. Tito Sotto.

Marcos scrambled and first got the International Criminal Court to issue a warrant of arrest on Sen. Ronald de la Rosa, reportedly through the lobbying of suspected communist cadre Kristina Conti, who managed to be appointed as “assistant to counsel” in the ICC. After casting his vote to elect Cayetano to head the Senate, de la Rosa was forced to go into hiding to avoid an alleged warrant of arrest from a foreign court, with the National Bureau of Investigation sending over a hundred of its armed-to-the-teeth personnel to the Senate to arrest him. The willy de la Rosa outsmarted them and escaped the dragnet, although he can’t attend the Senate sessions anymore.

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A day of infamy: Marcos’ Machiavellian takeover of the Senate

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JUNE 17, 2026, will be remembered as a day of infamy in our political history: the moment when the sitting president effectively seized control of a key pillar of the Republic — the Senate — with Sen. Joel Villanueva’s capitulation.

Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano reported that Villanueva had confided that the graft charges against him involving the flood control scam would be accelerated, even elevated to a plunder charge that allows no bail, if he did not cooperate with Malacañang. Most Filipinos also believed that it was a similar threat that pushed Sen. Francis Escudero to join the Marcos bloc last June 3.

The capture of the upper chamber by Malacañang has been executed through a proxy — now Senate President Sherwin Gatchalian, whose family conglomerate depends on the president’s grace for its very survival.

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How Marcos leads Gatchalian by the nose

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Estrada and his close friend William Gatchalian, Sherwin’s father: His friend’s loan has become a huge problem.

Second of three parts

SEN. Sherwin Gatchalian tries hard to project the image of an independent, crusading lawmaker, but the political reality is that President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. effectively has him under his thumb. The leverage Malacañang holds over the Gatchalian family is not political but existential, for Sherwin’s conglomerate.

The 52-year-old Sherwin is the eldest of the 80-year-old patriarch William Gatchalian’s three sons, his heir apparent in the conglomerate at the same time his and main operative in the political sphere.

The family’s corporate fate depends on the grace of Marcos on two massive fronts. First, the administration holds a financial guillotine over the family’s existing assets: It possesses the sole power to execute a final 2023 Supreme Court order to seize a massive chunk of their corporate empire over a controversial, unpaid loan. Second, their most ambitious corporate venture, the 318-hectare Manila Waterfront City, remains paralyzed by the president’s blanket suspension of Manila Bay reclamations.

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Why the 18 ex‑soldiers’ accusations are so credible

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Last of three parts

IT is scandalous that mainstream media and 12 pro Marcos senators have so casually dismissed a 31 page, notarized the joint affidavit by 18 to 19 former Marines and security men, when it contains the most damaging accusations against this administration, the biggest case of corruption in our history. It is stunning that Liberal Party senators, the Pinks and the Reds — once virulent critics of the Marcos kleptocracy — have closed their eyes to the accusation, in total servility to President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.

Marcos’ minions in the Senate illegally usurped that chamber’s leadership for the two main purposes of suppressing the ex soldiers’ explosive testimony to bury the accusations against him and his family, as well as his allies and later, and to railroad Vice President Sara Duterte’s impeachment.

There has never been such many accusers in our political history: the handful of witnesses in the Priority Development Assistance Fund and Janet Napoles cases is tiny compared with the number of named, uniformed men signing a single 31 page sworn affidavit. When 18 Marines and security operatives step forward together, under oath, to admit participation in suitcase deliveries and to name their superiors, the burden of proof shifts; we are no longer dealing with an isolated tattler but with something closer to a battalion’s mutiny against a corrupt chain of command.

All this makes the sneering putdowns of Sen. Raffy Tulfo — who reduces them to mere “cargadores,” as if they were brainless porters rather than ex Marines sworn to follow orders — not just unfair but obscene: It spits on their risk and operational experience while ass-kissing the very officials they say commanded the deliveries. But then it is totally beyond college-dropout Tulfo to think that ordinary people would have a sense of justice as to rebel against the corrupt and powerful.

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The soldiers’ testimony that Lacson refused to hear

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Two of the 30 photos in the soldiers’ affidavits to prove their claim.

Second of three parts

WHAT precipitated the revolt against the Marcos minions in the Senate on May 11, was the refusal of Sen. Panfilo Lacson, the then Blue Ribbon Committee chairman, to hear the 18 soldiers’ testimonies, claiming that it was a “joyride.” That’s the most conclusive proof that for all his pretensions to be independent, Lacson is Marcos’ main minion in the Senate.

Following is the second part of the “Brave 18” affidavit, the first part having been posted in my Monday column:

24. We alternated in fetching and bringing ICC personalities to and from the airport in 2024 and 2025. Sonny Trillanes gave Belnard Tube the contact numbers of the ICC personalities whom we would pick up.

25. They stayed in different hotels or condominium units during their repeated visits to the Philippines in 2024-2025, such as Raffles-Makati, Somerset Hotel, Seda-Makati, New World-Makati and Diamond-Makati.

26. They used Zaldy Co’s condominium units in Raffles-Makati, while their hotel accommodations in the various hotels were paid for by Mark Ticsay or Ronald Diso (a man of Sonny Trillanes).

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The real reason for the May 11 Senate revolt: The 18 soldiers’ testimony

First of three parts

THIS has never happened before in our history: 18 former Marines and Philippine Army soldiers — more than a dozen whistleblowers — claimed they were ordered to deliver hundreds of millions of pesos in graft money in suitcases to legislators and government officials, including to a priest who has been undertaking an intense propaganda campaign against former president Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs.

The most explosive claim, by one former Marine in Paragraph 45 of the affidavit:

“I was included by Zaldy Co in a delivery of five (5) large suitcases to the house of Bongbong Marcos and Liza Marcos in Ilocos Norte. Sandro Marcos was at the house at the time and received them, and a few hours later BBM and Liza Marcos also arrived. We used an airplane branded. We landed in Laoag City and then traveled by land to their house. We stayed overnight there, and I have photos with Bongbong Marcos and Sandro Marcos inside the house.”

They also claimed that International Criminal Court (ICC) investigators had met with Antonio Trillanes and former House speaker Martin Romuladez, and former congressman Zaldy Co, who paid for their hotel accommodations. This is not hearsay; the soldiers themselves carried these suitcases and escorted the ICC people.

This has never happened before: The soldiers’ affidavit includes 30 photographs of the cash being counted and the suitcases being loaded in a helicopter and a plane owned by former congressman Zaldy Co (former speaker Martin Romualdez’s deputy) and, in one instance, being received in the residence of one official (Rep. Stella Quimbo).

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Marcos’ Senate bloc thinks Filipinos are stupid

THE Marcos bloc in the Senate struggling to implement the budding dictator’s two-pronged agenda to bar through impeachment Vice President Sara Duterte’s presidential candidacy in 2028, and the investigation of the massive flood control scam has gone berserk. It has sunk to the depths of depravity, blatantly violating the Constitution and the Senate’s own rules.

On the last session day of the 20th Congress, with the chamber about to adjourn sine die, 11 of the Marcos senators deceived the nation into believing that the defection of Sen. Francis Escudero, who had hitherto been with the bloc led by Senate President Alan Peter Cayetano, to their cabal made them the majority.

They claimed that they were authorized by the Constitution and the body’s rules to replace committee chairmen and the Senate president pro tempore who had been elected only three days before. And within the hour, Malacañang issued a statement giving its blessing to the whole performance as “the rule of law.” It most certainly was not.

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Marcos’ remove-Sara project turns to a subtraction strategy

WAKE up, folks. What we are seeing now can’t be trivialized, much less ridiculed — as Marcos’ commentariat corps have been doing — as the “Senate circus,” “zarzuela” and “telenovela.” What is happening is as serious as can be for the Republic: This president is on an all-out siege of a supposedly independent branch of government, the Senate, considered as the last bastion of a democracy, in order to continue in power in 2028.

President Marcos’ media minions have also adopted a propaganda tack of portraying the 13 independent senators — especially Senate President Alan Cayetano — as degrading that body, rather than defenders of it.

“Bilog ang mundo” is certainly a Filipino understatement to describe that even Cory Aquino’s prime mouthpieces 40 years ago — the likes of the Monsod couple and her favorite Senate president Franklin Drilon who have spent their lives condemning the dictator Marcos — have been dragged from retirement to be bashers of the rebellious 13. I doubt if Lorna Kapunan, said to be one of the country’s most expensive lawyers, is appearing in TV talks shows to criticize the new Senate leadership pro bono. Why, this is the first time she is dabbling in politics.

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